Delivered by
David M. Walker
Comptroller General of the United States
The James E. Webb Lecture
November 16, 2001
Washington, DC
Lately, I've been thinking a lot about a saying of my favorite
President, Theodore Roosevelt: "It is character that
counts in a nation as in a man."
The September 11 attacks on the Pentagon
and the World Trade Center surely put our country's character
to the test. The American people met that test with flying
colors. We were all overwhelmed by the bravery shown by the
passengers aboard the hijacked plane that crashed in Pennsylvania.
We were profoundly moved by the heroism of the police, firefighters,
and other rescue workers who answered the call of duty that
morning-many at the cost of their own lives. In the weeks
since September 11, the American people have shown their generosity
and compassion for the victims' families through an unprecedented
outpouring of donations.
That brings me to my theme for this evening:
leadership and stewardship in government. For now, as never
before, the character of our government officials is also
being put to the test. We're going to need individuals of
solid character, individuals who are capable of leading the
nation through these troubled times and the challenges that
lie ahead. We're going to need individuals who understand
the obligation of stewardship and the need to pass on to future
generations an America that is strong in its ideals and secure
in its borders.
Like many of you, I never had the honor
of meeting or working with Jim Webb. During his long career
in government, Jim demonstrated tremendous talents-political,
administrative, and technical-as well as great personal integrity.
What's more, Jim was a Marine aviator. Jim has been a role
model for many of us in public service, and I am truly honored
to deliver this year's James E. Webb lecture.
I understand that I'm the third Comptroller
General of the United States to deliver this lecture. Elmer
Staats spoke to you in 1987, and Chuck Bowsher did so in 1988.
I'm especially pleased to do so this early in my tenure and
so soon after being admitted as a Fellow of the National Academy
of Public Administration.
As you know, the General Accounting Office
has a long and proud tradition of helping Congress carry out
its constitutional responsibilities. Our mission is to help
maximize the performance and ensure the accountability of
government for the benefit of the American people. This year
marks GAO's 80th anniversary and our agency's 50th year occupying
our landmark headquarters building.
GAO is in three businesses: oversight, insight,
and foresight. By oversight, I mean following the federal
dollar and evaluating the effectiveness of government programs
and policies. By insight, I mean undertaking in-depth analyses
of cross-cutting issues, like homeland security or food safety,
to determine what does and what does not work. By foresight,
I mean conducting research and development to discern trends
and identify emerging issues, like homeland security, Y2K,
and our long-term fiscal problems. Our goal is to develop
helpful tools and identify possible solutions to tomorrow's
challenges-before they become crises.
Tonight, I'd like to reflect on some of
the leadership and stewardship challenges facing our nation
in the wake of September 11. When it comes to leadership,
I'm talking about the process of getting things done with
and through others. This ranges from articulating a clear
vision for the future to marshaling resources and motivating
others. When it comes to stewardship, I'm talking about not
just leaving things better off when we depart than when we
arrive, but leaving things better positioned for the future.
September 11 Was a Turning Point
The events of a single day can change the
course of history. September 11, 2001 is one such day, as
the events of that day have had and will continue to have
a profound effect on America and Americans. Years from now,
we will all probably remember exactly where we were and what
we were doing on that fateful day.
On a personal note, I have to say that September
11 was a harrowing time for me because my wife is a flight
attendant with Delta. And that morning, she was flying out
of Boston on a 757 headed for the western United States. It
was a very long hour before I learned that she wasn't on either
of the two 757s from Boston that had struck the Twin Towers
of the World Trade Center. In the meantime, I was concerned
about the welfare of the 3,000 plus GAO and Army Corps of
Engineers employees who work in our headquarters building.
It turned out that the terrorists chose
to hijack flights offered by United and American Airlines-names
that so plainly speak to our national identity. And the date-"9-11"-echoes
our nation's standard phone number for emergencies. Clearly,
the terrorists' actual and planned targets were symbols of
American power.
The events of 9-11 served as America's wake-up
call. Although many had predicted that it was only a matter
of time before international terrorism came to our shores,
even the experts seemed stunned at the level of death and
destruction.
It's truly amazing how Americans can pull
together across social, political, and institutional lines
to get a job done in a crisis. Although this is impressive,
we're going to have to learn to work this way not only in
crises but in the normal course of events. That will be tough,
but it's essential if we expect to maximize the government's
performance and ensure positive outcomes.
We're now in a world very different from
what it was on September 10, a world whose challenges we are
only beginning to fully grasp. As citizens and as a country,
we realize that we're going to have to do some things differently.
We may need to be more vigilant or, as many of us have discovered
at the airport, more patient. But one thing we cannot do is
to live in fear.
The vast oceans that separated the United
States from the rest of the world in past wars no longer provide
the same level of safety and security. The truth is that there
are no islands in today's world of open borders, rapidly evolving
technologies, and asymmetric threats.
Our heightened sense of vulnerability has
prompted us to take stock of our lives and reassess our values
and priorities. In recent years, American unity and love of
country haven't always been obvious. Now, patriotism is back,
and the flag is everywhere.
I'm reminded of psychologist Abraham Maslow's
hierarchy of needs. Before 9-11, many Americans were concerned
with self-actualization and the word "me." After
9-11, many Americans are concerned with self-preservation
and the word "we."
The public seems to have developed a greater
respect for government. Unfortunately, this hasn't translated
into a significant increase in the number of people who actually
want to work for the government. I'll say a little more about
that later. Our challenge is to build on this renewed spirit
of patriotism and purpose in ways that will allow us to learn
from the past and prepare for the future.
Congress has passed and the President has
signed into law four measures to help us recover from and
respond to the terrorist attacks. All were necessary, and
all will cost money.
Given the current state of the economy,
the general consensus is that we also need some sort of federal
stimulus. Before 9-11, the economy was sluggish and we seemed
to be headed for a mild, cyclical recession. The events of
9-11 complicated our short-term economic challenges and erased
most doubts about whether we're in recession.
An increase in federal spending, to wage
war against international terrorism and to protect our homeland,
coupled with a deteriorating economy will eliminate near-term
budget surpluses, reduce medium-range projected surpluses,
and worsen our serious long-term fiscal imbalance. Again,
I'll say more about this later.
The War Against International Terrorism
We are now in the midst of an international
war against terrorism. Prosecuting such a war presents a host
of unique hidden challenges. The war on terrorism will be
different from any war in history-a struggle against a network
of terrorists who operate in more than 60 nations.
The war on terrorism will be asymmetrical.
Battles will be fought using unconventional war-fighting strategies,
deception, and the latest high-tech intelligence methods.
The war on terrorism will also require conventional
combat against governments that harbor and support terrorists.
This is already happening in Afghanistan with the war against
the Taliban regime.
Another unique aspect of the war against
terrorism is that it must be fought on two fronts: abroad
and at home.
Strengthening our homeland security against
future terrorist attacks will not be easy. As Senator Fred
Thompson recently said, "The good news in all of this
is that a lot of agencies are involved; the bad news is that
a lot of agencies are involved!"
To meet our homeland security needs, we
will have to work across boundaries within the federal government,
as well as with state and local governments, and with the
private and not-for-profit sectors. And all this will have
to be done both domestically and internationally.
The difficulties inherent in this effort
are obvious to everyone in this room who is familiar with
the historical behavior of governmental organizations. Up
to now, the federal government has largely worked in silos,
with executive branch agencies and congressional committees
pretty much doing their own thing. This is no longer feasible
or prudent, particularly in the area of homeland security.
Unfortunately, many agencies have little or no experience
in working together, or their efforts have met with "limited
success."
The President's new Office of Homeland Security
has its work cut out for it. How do you effectively link the
homeland security efforts of the intelligence community with
more than 40 federal agencies, state and local governments,
and the not-for-profit and private sectors? I don't envy Governor
Tom Ridge and his team.
Clearly, the establishment of the Office
of Homeland Security on October 8 was a good first step. But
questions remain about the Office's scope, structure, and
statutory basis. These questions have significant implications
for both congressional oversight and the Office's very prospects
for success.
As President Bush has said, our fight against
terrorism is not a short-term effort. Homeland security will
forevermore be a priority for our nation. The words of abolitionist
Wendell Phillips, inscribed at the entrance to the National
Archives, ring as true today as when he spoke them in 1852:
"Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty."
Other Long-Term Challenges
Despite our understandable focus on homeland
security, the United States still faces several key trends
and long-term challenges. They existed before 9-11, and they
remain with us today.
GAO's strategic plan identifies several
of these key trends, including globalization, new security
threats, changing demographics, rapidly evolving sciences
and technologies, quality-of-life issues, and the public's
demand for more responsive and accountable government. Meanwhile,
the weakening economy and our need to respond to 9-11 have
made our short-term challenges greater.
Over the course of its history, the United
States has incurred sizable deficits when the security of
the nation or the strength of our economy was at stake. As
we respond to the urgent priorities of today, we have to do
so with an eye toward the significant long-term fiscal challenges
we face just beyond the 10-year budget horizon. This is an
important note to sound. Although the response to 9-11 will
appropriately consist of both temporary and long-term funding
commitments, long-term fiscal discipline is still essential.
For the short term, we should be wary of
building in large permanent structural deficits that may drive
up interest rates, thereby offsetting any economic stimulus
that Congress may provide. For the longer term, known demographic
trends, such as the aging of our population, and rising health
care costs will place increasing claims on future federal
budgets. Reclaiming the fiscal flexibility necessary to address
these and other emerging challenges is a major task facing
this generation.
Although we don't yet know the specifics
of the next 10-year budget projections from the Congressional
Budget Office and the Office of Management and Budget, we
do know their general direction. The projections will look
considerably less optimistic than those made before 9-11,
and the long-term outlook will also look worse.
As that famous modern philosopher Yogi Berra
said, "It's déjà vu all over again!"
Yogi may not qualify for an Academy fellowship, but he's a
source of some great quotes.
If we assume that the 10 years of surpluses
that CBO projected in August are eliminated, then by 2030-absent
substantive changes in Social Security and Medicare-we won't
have a dime left for discretionary spending. Forget about
national defense, law enforcement, transportation, education,
and veterans' assistance.
Under this scenario, by 2050, the government
will have only enough money on hand to pay the interest on
the massive federal debt. Even if we were to save all of the
Social Security surpluses by paying down the publicly held
debt, which we clearly won't do, we would still have to cut
all other federal spending in half by 2030 to pay for Social
Security, health care, and interest on the debt.
The alternative to spending cuts is tax
increases-at levels far beyond what Americans have traditionally
tolerated. Obviously, we could also see some combination of
spending cuts and tax increases.
These scenarios are based on CBO's August
baseline and on intermediate, or "best estimate,"
assumptions from the Social Security and Medicare trustees.
The results are shocking and unacceptable. We cannot allow
them to happen. But what is being done toward making the difficult
choices that are necessary to avoid this grim outcome? The
answer is, not much.
We cannot afford to ignore this huge and
growing fiscal challenge. The resource demands that come from
the events of 9-11-and the need to address the resulting gaps-will
require tough choices. Ultimately, restoring our fiscal flexibility
in the years ahead depends on promoting long-term economic
growth as well as reforming entitlement programs and other
federal spending. When Congress returns for its next session,
these two issues should be put back on the national agenda.
As we move beyond the immediate threats,
Congress and the President will have to take a hard look at
the competing claims on the federal treasury, including tax
incentives, entitlement programs, and other mandatory spending.
This is particularly important because a big factor behind
deficit reduction in the 1990s was the decline in defense
spending. Given recent events, it's unlikely that the defense
budget will be a source of future budget cuts.
Future budget planning will take place against
a backdrop of rising claims for scarce federal dollars. Our
new commitments to protect this nation against terrorism will
compete against other spending priorities. Subjecting new
proposals and existing programs to greater scrutiny and tightening
the budget belt is not only a prudent policy, it's also a
patriotic duty.
Besides freeing up resources for the fight
against terrorism, belt tightening will increase our nation's
ability to accommodate essential needs that may emerge down
the road. Belt tightening will also put us in a better position
to deal with the imminent retirement of the baby boomers-a
true fiscal time bomb that ticks louder with each passing
day.
Rethinking the Role of Government
The federal government needs to review,
reassess, and reprioritize its existing policies and programs
in light of current and expected needs. In other words, we
must move beyond incrementalism and stand ready to question
government's base, including tax, spending, and regulatory
policies. We can regain much needed fiscal flexibility by
weeding out federal programs and policies that are outdated.
We have a stewardship obligation to today's
taxpayers and future generations to undertake this top-to-bottom
review. For now, agencies will need to reassess their strategic
goals to help them better target available resources and meet
the needs of national preparedness. In the years ahead, we
may need to consider eliminating or consolidating some existing
government programs and policies to meet our long-term fiscal
challenges.
The terrorist attacks have caused some agencies
to rethink their approaches to longstanding concerns. For
example, the Department of Transportation and the Federal
Aviation Administration have finally begun to deal with the
chronic problems plaguing airport security-problems that we
at GAO and others have cited for years. The FBI is also reconsidering
its role in light of 9-11.
GAO has flagged several areas in government
that warrant reconsideration on the basis of performance,
targeting, and costs. Every year, we issue a report drawn
from GAO work identifying specific options-many scored by
CBO-for congressional consideration. Every two years, we issue
our famous list of government areas at high risk for waste,
fraud, abuse, and mismanagement. Our most recent additions
to this list are the government's human capital challenge
and the U.S. Postal Service. GAO has found that putting an
agency or program on its high-risk list brings an issue to
light. History shows that with light comes heat, and with
heat comes action. And action is exactly what's called for
in these high-risk cases.
Our stewardship responsibility also applies
to requests for new funding. All new funding requests, including
those for the war against terrorism and for homeland security,
should be reviewed carefully and critically. For the foreseeable
future, the favorite terms in agency budget justifications
are likely be "terrorism" and "homeland security."
These terms will also figure prominently in agency proposals
to obtain more money. Reasonable steps have to be taken to
guard against "hitchhikers" to legitimate budget
requests. At the same time, a rapid response to an emergency
does not eliminate the responsibility to review how the requested
money has been spent and to evaluate the end results.
Right now, we have to do what it takes to
get this country back on its feet, to support the war on terrorism,
and to deal compassionately with the human tragedies caused
by 9-11. But as we think about our long-term preparedness
and develop a comprehensive homeland security strategy, we
can and should select those programs and tools that hold the
promise of a cost-effective approach to achieving our goals.
Leadership and Stewardship-New Priorities
for Public Service
In the coming years, a return to recurring
deficits will constrain the government's ability to deal with
other real and pressing needs-not just wants. Failure to address
the budget base, including Social Security and Medicare, raises
the risk that our long-term budget challenges will reach crisis
proportions sooner rather than later.
Leadership will clearly have to come from
both the President and Congress to deal effectively with these
issues. But the President and Congress can't do it all. We're
also going to need a first-rate federal workforce.
After all, the U.S. government is one of
the largest, most complex, and most important organizations
in the world. U.S. government spending accounts for about
one out of five dollars in our domestic economy, and U.S.
government policies have a profound effect on the overall
economy. At the same time, the United States is the only remaining
superpower on earth. Clearly, we're going to need individuals
of talent and character to guide our government's critical
operations and prepare for the challenges of the 21st century.
Ever since I became Comptroller General
of the United States in 1998, I've made it a top priority
to raise the issue of "human capital." In a knowledge-based
economy, people are our most valuable asset. It's time for
the federal government to recognize that this important concept
also applies to its own employees.
As government leaders and advisors to those
in high office, we must work together to ensure that we learn
from the past and anticipate the future. We must work together
to help ensure that government reviews, reassesses, and reprioritizes
what it does and how it does business.
We at GAO will do our best to do our part,
but we need your help. I call on you, the members of the Academy,
with your wisdom, abilities, and contacts, to help us deal
successfully with the challenges I have discussed this evening.
I believe that by working together, we can make a meaningful
difference for our nation, our fellow citizens, and generations
yet to come.
As fellows of the Academy, we have
a special obligation to demonstrate leadership and stewardship.
For as TR said, "Aggressive fighting for the right [cause]
is the noblest sport the world affords."
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